
Whether they're called "liberal" or "conservative," the major media are large corporations, owned by andinterlinked with even larger conglomerates. Like other corporations, they sell a product to a market. Themarket is advertisers -- that is, other businesses. The product is audiences. For the elite media that set thebasic agenda to which others adapt, the product is, furthermore, relatively privileged audiences.So we have major corporations selling fairly wealthy and privileged audiences to other businesses.
Other factors reinforce the same distortion. The cultural managers (editors, leading columnists, etc.) shareclass interests and associations with state and business managers and other privileged sectors. There is, infact, a regular flow of high-level people among corporations, government and media. Access to stateauthorities is important to maintain a competitive position; "leaks," for example, are often fabricationsand deceit produced by the authorities with the cooperation of the media, who pretend they don't know.In return, state authorities demand cooperation and submissiveness. Other power centers also havedevices to punish departures from orthodoxy, ranging from the stock market to an effective vilificationand defamation apparatus.The outcome is not, of course, entirely uniform. To serve the interests of the powerful, the media mustpresent a tolerably realistic picture of the world. And professional integrity and honesty sometimesinterfere with the overriding mission. The best journalists are, typically, quite aware of the factors thatshape the media product, and seek to use such openings as are provided. The result is that one can learn alot by a critical and skeptical reading of what the media produce.The media are only one part of a larger doctrinal system; other parts are journals of opinion, the schoolsand universities, academic scholarship and so on. We're much more aware of the media, particularly theprestige media, because those who critically analyze ideology have focused on them. The larger systemhasn't been studied as much because it's harder to investigate systematically. But there's good reason tobelieve that it represents the same interests as the media, just as one would anticipate.The doctrinal system, which produces what we call "propaganda" when discussing enemies, has twodistinct targets. One target is what's sometimes called the "political class," the roughly 20% of thepopulation that's relatively educated, more or less articulate, playing some role in decision-making. Theiracceptance of doctrine is crucial, because they're in a position to design and implement policy.Then there's the other 80% or so of the population. These are Lippmann's "spectators of action," whomhe referred to as the "bewildered herd." They are supposed to follow orders and keep out of the way ofthe important people. They're the target of the real mass media: the tabloids, the sitcoms, the Super Bowland so on.These sectors of the doctrinal system serve to divert the unwashed masses and reinforce the basic socialvalues: passivity, submissiveness to authority, the overriding virtue of greed and personal gain, lack ofconcern for others, fear of real or imagined enemies, etc. The goal is to keep the bewildered herdbewildered. It's unnecessary for them to trouble themselves with what's happening in the world. In fact,it's undesirable -- if they see too much of reality they may set themselves to change it.That's not to say that the media can't be influenced by the general population. The dominant institutions --whether political, economic or doctrinal -- are not immune to public pressures. Independent (alternative)media can also play an important role. Though they lack resources, almost by definition, they gainsignificance in the same way that popular organizations do: by bringing together people with limitedresources who can multiply their effectiveness, and their own understanding, through their interactions --precisely the democratic threat that's so feared by dominant elites.
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Other factors reinforce the same distortion. The cultural managers (editors, leading columnists, etc.) shareclass interests and associations with state and business managers and other privileged sectors. There is, infact, a regular flow of high-level people among corporations, government and media. Access to stateauthorities is important to maintain a competitive position; "leaks," for example, are often fabricationsand deceit produced by the authorities with the cooperation of the media, who pretend they don't know.In return, state authorities demand cooperation and submissiveness. Other power centers also havedevices to punish departures from orthodoxy, ranging from the stock market to an effective vilificationand defamation apparatus.The outcome is not, of course, entirely uniform. To serve the interests of the powerful, the media mustpresent a tolerably realistic picture of the world. And professional integrity and honesty sometimesinterfere with the overriding mission. The best journalists are, typically, quite aware of the factors thatshape the media product, and seek to use such openings as are provided. The result is that one can learn alot by a critical and skeptical reading of what the media produce.The media are only one part of a larger doctrinal system; other parts are journals of opinion, the schoolsand universities, academic scholarship and so on. We're much more aware of the media, particularly theprestige media, because those who critically analyze ideology have focused on them. The larger systemhasn't been studied as much because it's harder to investigate systematically. But there's good reason tobelieve that it represents the same interests as the media, just as one would anticipate.The doctrinal system, which produces what we call "propaganda" when discussing enemies, has twodistinct targets. One target is what's sometimes called the "political class," the roughly 20% of thepopulation that's relatively educated, more or less articulate, playing some role in decision-making. Theiracceptance of doctrine is crucial, because they're in a position to design and implement policy.Then there's the other 80% or so of the population. These are Lippmann's "spectators of action," whomhe referred to as the "bewildered herd." They are supposed to follow orders and keep out of the way ofthe important people. They're the target of the real mass media: the tabloids, the sitcoms, the Super Bowland so on.These sectors of the doctrinal system serve to divert the unwashed masses and reinforce the basic socialvalues: passivity, submissiveness to authority, the overriding virtue of greed and personal gain, lack ofconcern for others, fear of real or imagined enemies, etc. The goal is to keep the bewildered herdbewildered. It's unnecessary for them to trouble themselves with what's happening in the world. In fact,it's undesirable -- if they see too much of reality they may set themselves to change it.That's not to say that the media can't be influenced by the general population. The dominant institutions --whether political, economic or doctrinal -- are not immune to public pressures. Independent (alternative)media can also play an important role. Though they lack resources, almost by definition, they gainsignificance in the same way that popular organizations do: by bringing together people with limitedresources who can multiply their effectiveness, and their own understanding, through their interactions --precisely the democratic threat that's so feared by dominant elites.
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Los medios de comunicación
Independiente de si son llamados "liberales" o "conservadores",la mayoría de los medios de comunicación son grandes corporaciones cuyos propietarios estan incluso ligados a conglomerados mucho mas grandes. Al igual que otras corporaciones, ellos venden un producto al mercado. El mercado es el de las publicidades, el cual es otronegocio. El producto es la audiencia. Para la elite perteneciente a los medios, aquello establece una agenda básicaa la cual otros se adaptan; el producto es, por lo tanto, las audiencias relativamente privilegiadas. Así, nosotros tenemos a mayores corporaciones vendiendo grandes riquezas y audiencias privilegiadas a otros comerciantes.
Existen otros factores que refuerzan la misma distorsión. Los directores culturales (editores, columnistas, etc.) comparten el interés de la clase social, asociaciones con el Estado, los gerentes de negocios y otros sectores privilegiados. Aquello apunta a un flujo regular de la la gente de clase social alta entre las corporaciones, el Gobierno y los medios de comunicación. El acceso a autoridades estatales es importante para mantener una posicióncompetitiva; por ejemplo, las "infiltraciones" son a menudo invenciones y engaños producidos por las propias autoridades en conjunto con los medios de comunicación, quienes pretenden señalar que no lo saben. A cambio, lasautoridades estatales exigen la cooperación y sumisión por parte de ellos. Otros grupos poderosos también poseendispositivos para castigar la salida de la ortodoxia, oscilando desde el intercambio mercantil hacia una exageración efectiva y un aparato difamatorio.El resultado porsupuesto que no es enteramente uniforme. Para servir al interés de los poderosos, los mediosdeben presentar una imagen tolerable y realista del mundo, en la cual la integridad profesional y la honestidad a veces interfiere con la misión primordial. Los mejores periodistas habitualmente estan bastante al tanto de los factores que conforman el producto de los medios de comunicación, y buscan usar tales oportunidades que le son proporcionadas. El resultado es aquel que podemos leer, un montón de lectores críticos y escépticos que producenlos medios de comunicación.Lo medios de comunicación son sólo una parte de un largo sistema doctrinal; las otras partes pertenecen al periodismo de opinión, las escuelas y universidades, personajes académicos y otros. Estamos mucho más al tanto de los mediosde comunicación, particularmente los medios prestigiosos, ya que aquellos que críticamente analizan la ideología estan enfocados en ellos. El sistema no ha sido estudiado ampliamente porque es muy difícil de investigarlo sistemáticamente, pero es razonable creer que este representa los mismos intereses de los medios, así como uno podría anticiparlo. El sistema doctrinal que produce lo que llamamos "propaganda" cuando se trata a los enemigostiene dos objetivos distintos. Un objetivo es el que a veces llamamos la "clase política",el basto 20% de la poblaciónque es relativamente educada, mas o menos articulada, que juega algún tipo de rol en la toma de decisiones. Su aceptación de doctrinas es crucial, ya que estan en una posición de designar e implementar políticas. Entonces, despuésexiste ese 80% o mas de la población. Aquellos son los "espectadores de la acción", según Lippmann, a quienes él se refería como la "multitud desconcertada". Ellos se supone que deben seguir ordenes y mantenerse fuera del camino de las personas importantes. Ellos son el objetivo de los reales medios masivos de comunicación: los tabloides, las comedias, los Super Bowls, y otros. Aquellos sectores del sistema doctrinal sirven para desviar a las masas de gente ordinaria y reforzar los valores básicos sociales: pasividad, sumisión a la autoridad, la virtud primordial de codicia y ganancia personal, la falta de concienciade otros, el temor a los enemigos reales o imaginarios, etc. El objetivo es mantener a la multitud desconcertada. No es necesario para ellos problematizar ellos mismos con lo que sucede en el mundo. De hecho, es indeseable (si la gente vee mucho de la realidad puede optar por querer cambiarla ellos mismos). Esto no quiere decir que los medios de comunicaciónno pueden ser influenciados por la población en general. Las instituciones dominantes (sean políticas, económicas o doctrinales), no son inmunes a las presiones públicas. Los medios de comunicación independientes (alternativos) también pueden jugar un rol importante. A pesar de su escacez de recursos, casi por definición, ellos ganan significanciade la misma manera en que las organizaciones populares lo hacen: atrayendo juntos a personas con recursos limitados quienes puedan multiplicar su efectividad y sus propios entendimientos, a través de sus interacciones, precisamente laamenaza democrática la que es muy temida por las elites dominantes.




